Emma Goldman - My Further ...

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My Further Disillusionment in Russia
By Emma Goldman
Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Page & company; 1924
PREFACE
THE annals of literature tell of books expurgated, of whole chapters eliminated or changed beyond
recognition. But I believe it has rarely happened that a work should be published with more than a
third of it left out and-without the reviewers being aware of the fact. This doubtful distinction has
fallen to the lot of my work on Russia.
The story of that painful experience might well make another chapter, but for the present it is
sufficient to give the bare facts of the case.
My manuscript was sent to the original purchaser in two parts, at different times. Subsequently the
publishing house of Doubleday, Page & Co. bought the rights to my work, but when the first
printed copies reached me I discovered to my dismay that not only had my original title, "My Two
Years in Russia," been changed to "My Disillusionment in Russia," but that the last twelve chapters
were entirely missing, including my Afterword which is, at least to myself, the most vital part.
There followed an exchange of cables and letters, which gradually elicited the fact that Doubleday,
Page & Co. had secured my MSS. from a literary agency in the good faith that it was complete. By
some conspiracy of circumstances the second instalment of my work either failed to reach the
original purchaser or was lost in his office. At any rate, the book was published without any one's
suspecting its incompleteness.
The present volume contains the chapters missing from the first edition, and I deeply appreciate the
devotion of my friends who have made the appearance of this additional issue possible-in justice to
myself and to my readers.
The adventures of my MSS. are not without their humorous side, which throws a peculiar light on
the critics. Of almost a hundred American reviewers of my work only two sensed its
incompleteness. And, incidentally, one of them is not a "regular" critic but a librarian. Rather a
reflection on professional acumen or conscientiousness.
It were a waste of time to notice the "criticism" of those who have either not read the book or lacked
the wit to realize that it was unfinished. Of all the alleged "reviews" only two deserve consideration
as written by earnest and able men: those of Henry Alsberg and H. L. Mencken.
Mr. Alsberg believes that the present title of my book is more appropriate to its contents than the
name I had chosen. My disillusionment, he asserts, is not only with the Bolsheviki but with the
Revolution itself. In support of this contention he cites Bukharin's remark to the effect that "a
revolution cannot be accomplished without terror, disorganization, and even wanton destruction,
any more than an omelette can be made without breaking the eggs." But it seems not to have
occurred to Mr. Alsberg that, though the breaking of the eggs is necessary, no omelette can be made
if the yolk be thrown away. And that is precisely what the Communist Party did to the Russian
Revolution. For the yolk they substituted Bolshevism, more specifically Leninism, with the result as
shown in my book-a result that is gradually being realized as an entire failure by the world at large.
Mr. Alsberg also believes that it was not "grim necessity, the driving need to preserve not the
Revolution but the remnants of civilization, which forced the Bolsheviki to lay hands on every
available weapon, the Terror, the Tcheka, suppression of free speech and press, censorship, military
conscription, conscription of labour, requisitioning of peasants' crops, even bribery and corruption."
Mr. Alsberg evidently agrees with me that the Communists employed all these methods; and that, as
he himself states, "the 'means' largely
determines
the 'end"'-a conclusion the proof and
demonstration of which are contained in my book. The only mistake in this viewpoint, however-a
most vital one-is the assumption that the Bolsheviki were forced to resort to the methods referred to
in order to "preserve the remnants of civilization." Such a view is based on an entire misconception
of the philosophy and practice of Bolshevism. Nothing can be further from the desire or intention of
Leninism that the "preservation of the remnants of civilization." Had Mr. Alsberg said instead "the
preservation of the Communist dictatorship, of the political absolutism of the Party", he would have
come nearer the truth, and we should have no quarrel on the matter. We must not fail to consider
that the Bolsheviki
continue
to employ exactly the same methods to-day as they did in what Mr.
Alsberg calls "the moments of grim necessity, in 1919, 1920, and 1921."
We are in 1924. The military fronts have long ago been liquidated; internal counterrevolution is
suppressed; the old bourgeoisie is eliminated; the "moments of grim necessity" are past. In fact,
Russia is being politically recognized by various governments of Europe and Asia, and the
Bolsheviki are inviting international capital to come to their country whose natural wealth, as
Tchicherin assures the world capitalists, is "waiting to be exploited." The "moments of grim
necessity" are gone, but the Terror, the Tcheka, suppression of free speech and press, and all the
other Communist methods enumerated by Mr. Alsberg
still remain in
force.
Indeed, they are being
applied even more brutally and barbarously since the death of Lenin. Is it to " preserve the remnants
of civilization," as Mr. Alsberg claims, or to strengthen the weakening Party dictatorship?
Mr. Alsberg charges me with believing that "had the Russians made the Revolution à la Bakunin
instead of à la Marx" the result would have been different and more satisfactory. I plead guilty to
the charge. In truth, I not only believe so; I am certain of it. The Russian Revolution-more correctly,
Bolshevik methods-conclusively demonstrated how a revolution should
not
be made. The Russian
experiment has proven the fatality of a political party usurping the functions of the revolutionary
people, of an omnipotent State seeking to impose its will upon the country, of a dictatorship
attempting to "organize" the new life. But I need not repeat here the reflections summed up in my
concluding chapter. Unfortunately they did not appear in the first edition of my work. Otherwise
Mr. Alsberg might perhaps have written differently.
Mr. Mencken in his review believes me a "prejudiced witness," because I-an Anarchist -am opposed
to government, whatever its form. Yet the whole first part of my book entirely disproves the
assumption of my prejudice. I defended the Bolsheviki while still in America, and for long months
in Russia I sought every opportunity to cooperate with them and to aid in the great task of
revolutionary upbuilding. Though an Anarchist and an anti-governmentalist, I had not come to
Russia expecting to find my ideal realized. I saw in the Bolsheviki the symbol of the Revolution
and I was eager to work with them in spite of our differences. However, if lack of aloofness from
the actualities of life means that one cannot judge things fairly, then Mr Mencken is right. One
could not have lived through two years of Communist terror, of a régime involving the enslavement
of the whole people, the annihilation of the most fundamental values, human and revolutionary, of
corruption and mismanagement, and yet have remained aloof or "impartial" in Mr. Mencken's
sense. I doubt whether Mr. Mencken, though not an Anarchist, would have done so. Could he,
being human?
In conclusion, the present publication of the chapters missing in the first edition comes at a very
significant period in the life of Russia. When the "Nep," Lenin's new economic policy, was
introduced, there rose the hope of a better day, of a gradual abolition of the policies of terror and
persecution. The Communist dictatorship seemed inclined to relax its strangle-hold upon the
thoughts and lives of the people. But the hope was short-lived. Since the death of Lenin the
Bolsheviki have returned to the terror of the worst days of their régime. Despotism, fearing for its
power, seeks safety in bloodshed. More timely even than in 1922 is my book to-day.
When the first series of my articles on Russia appeared, in 1922, and later when my book was
published, I was bitterly attacked and denounced by American radicals of almost every camp. But I
felt confident that the time would come when the mask would be torn from the false face of
Bolshevism and the great delusion exposed. The time has come even sooner than I anticipated. In
most civilized lands-in France, England, Germany, in the Scandinavian and Latin countries, even in
America the fog of blind faith is gradually lifting. The reactionary character of the Bolshevik
régime is being realized by the masses, its terrorism and persecution of non-Communist opinion
condemned. The torture of the political victims of the dictatorship in the prisons of Russia, in the
concentration camps of the frozen North and in Siberian exile, is rousing the conscience of the more
progressive elements the world over. In almost every country societies for the defense and aid of the
politicals imprisoned in Russia have been formed, with the object of securing their liberation and
the establishment of freedom of opinion and expression in Russia.
If my work will help in these efforts to throw light upon the real situation in Russia and to awaken
the world to the true character of Bolshevism and the fatality of dictatorship-be it Fascist or
Communist-I shall bear with equanimity the misunderstanding and misrepresentation of foe or
friend. And I shall not regret the travail and struggle of spirit that produced this work, which now,
after many vicissitudes, is at last complete in print.
EMMA GOLDMAN.
Berlin, June, 1924.
CHAPTER I
ODESSA
AT THE numerous stations between Kiev and Odessa we frequently had to wait for days before we
managed to make connections with trains going south. We employed our leisure in visiting the
small towns and villages, and formed many acquaintances. The markets were especially of interest
to us.
In the Kiev province by far the greater part of the population is Jewish. They had suffered many
pogroms and were now living in constant terror of their repetition. But the will to live is
indestructible, particularly in the Jew; otherwise centuries of persecution and slaughter would long
since have destroyed the race. Its peculiar perseverance was manifest everywhere: the Jews
continued to trade as if nothing had happened. The news that Americans were in town would
quickly gather about us crowds of people anxious to hear of the New World. To them it was still a
"new" world, of which they were as ignorant as they had been fifty years before. But not only
America-Russia itself was a sealed book to them. They knew that it was a country of pogroms, that
some incomprehensible thing called revolution had happened, and that the Bolsheviki would not let
them ply their trade. Even the younger element in the more distant villages was not much better
informed.
The difference between a famished population and one having access to food supplies was very
noticeable. Between Kiev and Odessa products were extremely cheap as compared with northern
Russia. Butter, for instance, was 250 rubles a pound as against 3,000 in Petrograd; sugar 350 rubles,
while in Moscow it was 5,000. White flour, almost impossible to obtain in the capitals, was here
sold at 80 rubles a pound. Yet all along the journey we were besieged at the stations by hungry
people, begging for food. The country possessed plenty of supplies, but evidently the average
person had no means of purchase. Especially terrible was the sight of the emaciated and ragged
children, pleading for a crust of bread at the car windows.
While in the neighbourhood of Zhmerenka we received the appalling news of the retreat of the
Twelfth Army and the quick advance of the Polish forces. It was a veritable rout in which the
Bolsheviki lost great stores of food and medical supplies, of which Russia stood so much in need.
The Polish operations and the Wrangel attacks from the Crimea threatened to cut our journey short.
It had been our original purpose to visit the Caucasus but the new developments made travel farther
than Odessa impracticable. We still hoped, however, to continue our trip provided we could secure
and extension of time for our car permit, which was to expire on October 1st.
We reached Odessa just after a fire had completely destroyed the main telegraph and electric
stations, putting the city in total darkness. As it would require considerable time to make repairs, the
situation increased the nervousness of the city, for darkness favoured counter-revolutionary plots.
Rumours were afloat of Kiev having been taken by the Poles and of the approach of Wrangel.
It was our custom to pay our first official visit to the
Ispolkom
(Executive Committee) in order to
familiarize ourselves with the situation and the general work scheme of the local institutions. In
Odessa there was a
Revkom
instead, indicating that the affairs of the city had not yet been
sufficiently organized to establish a Soviet and its Executive Committee. The Chairman of the
Revkom
was a young man, not over thirty, with a hard face. After scrutinizing our documents
carefully and learning the objects of our mission he stated that he could not be of any assistance to
us. The situation in Odessa was precarious, and as he was busy with many pressing matters, the
Expedition would have to look out for itself. He gave us permission, however, to visit the Soviet
institutions and to collect whatever we might be able to procure. He did not consider the Petrograd
Museum and its work of much importance. He was an ordinary worker appointed to a high
government position, not over-intelligent and apparently antagonistic to everything "intellectual."
The prospects did not look promising, but, of course, we could not leave Odessa without making a
serious effort to collect the rich historical material which we knew to be in the city. Returning from
the
Revkom
we happened to meet a group of young people who recognized us, they having lived in
America before. They assured us that we could expect no aid from the Chairman who was known as
a narrow fanatic embittered against the
intelligentsia.
Several of the group offered to introduce us
to other officials who would be able and willing to assist us in our efforts. We learned that the
Chairman of Public Economy in Odessa was an Anarchist, and that the head of the Metal Trade
Unions was also an Anarchist. The information held out hope that we might accomplish something
in Odessa, after all.
We lost no time in visiting the two men, but the result was not encouraging. Both were willing to do
everything in their power, but warned us to expect no returns because Odessa, as they phrased it,
was The City of Sabotage.
It must unfortunately be admitted that our experience justified that characterization. I had seen a
great deal of sabotage in various Soviet institutions in every city I had visited. Everywhere the
numerous employees deliberately wasted their time while thousands of applicants spent days
and.weeks in the corridors and offices without receiving the least attention. The greater part of
Russia did nothing else but stand in line, waiting for the bureaucrats, big and little, to admit them to
their sanctums. But bad as conditions were in other cities, nowhere did I find such systematic
sabotage as in Odessa. From the highest to the lowest Soviet worker everyone was busy with
something other than the work entrusted to him. Office hours were supposed to begin at ten, but as
a rule no official could be found in any of the departments till noon or even later. At three in the
afternoon the institutions closed, and therefore very little work was accomplished.
We remained in Odessa two weeks, but so far as material collected through official channels was
concerned, we got practically nothing. Whatever we accomplished was due to the aid of private
persons and members of outlawed political parties. From them we received valuable material
concerning the persecution of the Mensheviki and the labour organizations where the influence of
the former was strongest. The management of several unions had been entirely suspended at the
time we arrived in Odessa, and there began a complete reorganization of them by the Communists,
for the purpose of eliminating all opposing elements.
Among the interesting people we met in Odessa were the Zionists, including some well known
literary and professional men. It was at Doctor N- 's house that we met them. The Doctor himself
was the owner of a sanatorium located on a beautiful spot overlooking the Black Sea and considered
the best in the South. The institution had been nationalized by the Bolsheviki, but Doctor N - was
left in charge and was even permitted to take in private patients. In return for that privilege he had
to board and give medical attention to Soviet patients for one third of the established price.
Late into the night we discussed the Russian situation with the guests at the Doctor's house. Most of
them were antagonistic to the Bolshevik régime. "Lenin let loose the motto 'Rob the robbers,' and at
least here in the Ukraina his followers have carried out the order to the letter," said the Doctor. It
was the general opinion of the gathering that the confusion and ruin which resulted were due to that
policy. It robbed the old bourgeoisie but did not benefit the workers. The Doctor cited his
sanatorium as an illustration. When the Bolsheviki took it over they declared that the proletariat was
to own and enjoy the place, but not a single worker had since been received as patient, not even a
proletarian Communist. The people the Soviet sent to the sanatorium were members of the new
bureaucracy, usually the high officials. The Chairman of the Tcheka, for instance, who suffered
from nervous breakdown, had been in the institution several times. "He works sixteen hours a day
sending people to their death," the doctor commented. "You can easily imagine how it feels to take
care of such a man."
One of the Bundist writers present held that the Bolsheviki were trying to imitate the French
Revolution. Corruption was rampant; it put in the shade the worst crimes of the Jacobins. Not a day
passed but that people were arrested for trading in Tsarist or Kerensky money; yet it was an open
secret that the Chairman of the Tcheka himself speculated in valuta. The depravity of the Tcheka
was a matter of common knowledge. People were shot for slight offences, while those who could
afford to give bribes were freed even after they had been sentenced to death. It repeatedly happened
that the rich relatives of an arrested man would be notified by the Tcheka of his execution. A few
weeks later, after they had somewhat recovered from their shock and grief, they would be informed
that the report of the man's death was erroneous, that he was alive and could be liberated by paying
a fine, usually a very high one. Of course, the relatives would strain every effort to raise the money.
Then they would suddenly be arrested for attempted bribery, their money confiscated and the
prisoner shot.
One of the Doctor's guests, who lived in the "Tcheka Street" told of the refinements of terrorism
practised to awe the population. Almost daily he witnessed the same sights: early in the morning
mounted Tchekists would dash by, shooting into the air-a warning that all windows must be closed.
Then came motor trucks loaded with the doomed. They lay in rows, faces downward, their hands
tied, soldiers standing over them with rifles. They were being carried to execution outside the city.
A few hours later the trucks would return empty save for a few soldiers. Blood dripped from the
wagons, leaving a crimson streak on the pavement all the way to the Tcheka headquarters.
It was not possible that Moscow did not know about these things, the Zionists asserted. The fear of
the central power was too great to permit of the local Tcheka doing anything not approved by
Moscow. But it was no wonder that the Bolsheviki had to resort to such methods. A small political
party trying to control a population of 150,000,000 which bitterly hated the Communists, could not
hope to maintain itself without such an institution as the Tcheka. The latter was characteristic of the
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