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Rule-Following and the Ontology of the Mind
Michael Esfeld
(published in Uwe Meixner and Peter Simons (eds.):
Metaphysics in the Post-Metaphysical Age. Papers of the 22nd International Wittgenstein
Symposium.
Contributions of the Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society, Vol.VII (1),
Kirchberg: Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society 1999, pp. 191–196)
Abstract
Rule-following has become a focus of philosophical interest since Kripke’s interpretation of
Wittgenstein’s
Philosophical Investigations
. The case which Kripke makes is an argument
against reducing the description of the beliefs of a person to a description in naturalistic terms.
However, it has also implications for the metaphysics of mind. I claim that, contrary to what one
might except, Kripke’s case contains an argument in favour of materialism in ontology.
1. The problem of rule-following
Meaning is an essential feature of the beliefs of a person. When it comes to accounting for
meaning, we face the problem of rule-following. Saul Kripke (1982) presents this problem in
a forceful way in his interpretation of Wittgenstein’s
Philosophical Investigations
. The case
which he makes contains an argument against reducing the description of the beliefs of a
person to a description in naturalistic terms. However, little attention is paid to the fact that
Kripke’s case is also relevant to the metaphysics of mind. Contrary to what one might except,
I shall show that an argument against reduction in epistemology along Kripke’s lines is at the
same time an argument for materialism in ontology.
Let us start by briefly recalling the problem of rule-following and its social solution. Kripke
shows that any finite sequence of examples of whatever sort satisfies infinitely many rules.
On this basis, he develops a sceptical challenge to the assumption that our beliefs have a
determinate meaning. Two aspects of this challenge can be distinguished:
• the
infinity problem
: How can a finite sequence of examples instantiate only one rule
rather than infinitely many rules? The sceptical challenge is:
There are infinitely many
possible ways of continuing any finite sequence of examples in any new situation. Each of
these ways is in accordance with the rule which the sequence instantiates under some
interpretation of what the rule is
.
• the
normativity problem
: What determines which is the correct manner to continue a finite
sequence of examples in such a way that a person can follow a rule (so that for her there is
a distinction between following the rule correctly and following it incorrectly)? The
sceptical challenge is:
For any finite sequence of examples and for any new situation of
continuing the sequence in question, it is not determined what
[192]
is the correct way to
go on
.
Kripke argues that neither ideas in the mind, nor dispositions to behaviour, nor meanings as
abstract objects (Fregean senses) are able to solve the problem of rule-following. Insofar as he
proposes a solution at all, he proposes a social solution. Social practices are necessary in order
to (a) determine a meaning for the beliefs of a person given the infinitely many logically
possible meanings of any finite sequence and (b) enable a person to make a distinction
between correct and incorrect rule-following. Kripke regards the social solution as a sceptical
solution which yields only assertibility conditions, but not truth conditions for statements
about meaning. The social solution which I will sketch in the next section is intended to be
non-committal on this point and thereby deviates from Kripke’s text: it can be read as a
sceptical solution; but it can also be seen as providing truth-conditions for rule-following and
thus facts of meaning.
2. A social account of meaning
How can social practices account for meaning? Consider the following six steps. These steps
are modelled on the proposals of Philip Pettit (1993), pp. 76–108, and John Haugeland (“The
Intentionality All-Stars” in Haugeland (1998), pp. 147–150):
1)
Although any finite sequence of examples can be continued in infinitely many different
ways, for any finite thinking being there usually is one specific way in which this being is
disposed to continue such a sequence.
To give an intuitive idea of what this step and the
following ones can be like, imagine a sequence of trees in a physical environment and
reactions of persons towards this sequence, in particular reactions of classifying or
refusing to classify items with this sequence.
2)
Persons who have the same biological equipment and who share a physical environment
have by and large similar dispositions
.
3)
The dispositions of persons who have the same biological equipment and who share a
physical environment include a disposition to cooperation
. This is a disposition to adapt
one’s dispositions and one’s behaviour to the dispositions and the behaviour of one’s
fellows.
4)
The disposition to cooperation in humans is such that, owing to this disposition, humans
react to each other’s actions by applying sanctions in the sense of reinforcements or
punishments
. They reinforce actions in others which agree with their own actions, and
they punish actions in others which disagree with their own actions. By agreement or
disagreement, I mean accord or failure of accord in the way in which a given sequence of
examples is continued. Sanctions are exclusively physical reinforcements and
punishments at this stage.
5)
Sanctions are a means to come to conditions under which persons agree in their ways
[193]
of continuing a given sequence of examples
. In the case of agreement, sanctions
reinforce the dispositions of the persons involved in the way in which they react to their
environment. In the case of disagreement, sanctions in the form of punishments trigger a
process of finding out in practice the obstacles in the persons involved or in the
environment which prevent agreement. Sanctions thus induce a process of mutual
adjustment that leads to convergence.
6)
Once conditions under which persons agree are filtered out, the rule is that in which the
convergence of persons in their ways of continuing a given sequence of examples consists.
Determining on the basis of each one’s dispositions conditions in which the persons in
question agree fixes what is correct to do for an indefinite number of situations. However,
going beyond the ordinary situations with which the people in a given community deal, this
account has to concede that there is for any finite sequence of actions a margin conceivable
beyond which it is indeterminate what is the correct way to go on. In such an extraordinary
situation, a further determination of the norm has to be carried out by means of the sketched
process. Consequently, this account solves the
normativity problem
by offering a
reconstruction of how persons can come to follow rules. But it does not solve the
infinity
problem
, i.e. the problem whether and how a finite sequence can determine infinitely many
cases. It addresses this problem only insofar as this problem threatens our beliefs to be
stripped of meaning: it shows how a finite sequence of examples can determine meaning for a
community of persons within the scope of their ordinary practices.
3. The anti-reductionist implication
Consider the reply of Crispin Wright to Kripke’s sceptical challenge in his book
Realism,
Meaning and Truth
. He says:
Understanding cannot be always achieved via uniquely rational extrapolation from sample uses
and explanations; and is not usually. Rather the path to understanding exploits certain
natural
propensities which we have, propensities to react and judge in particular ways. The concepts
which we ‘exhibit’ by what we count as correct, or incorrect, use of a term need not be salient to
a witness who is, if I may so put it, merely rational … (Wright (1993), p. 28)
Although I do not intend to ascribe the sketched social account to Wright, the point which he
makes emphasizes a crucial point of that account: a natural, biological equipment is a
necessary condition for meaning becoming determined in social [194] interactions. The
proposed social account says nothing against explaining the relevant dispositions in
naturalistic terms. But however much the behaviour of a human may be determined by what
can be described in these terms, the point at issue is how a human can follow rules in
distinction to exhibiting mere regularities of behaviour; that is, the point is how she, from her
perspective, can make a distinction between correct and incorrect rule-following in continuing
a given sequence of examples. The account under consideration implies that to describe this
distinction, normative, intentional vocabulary is indispensable. Consequently, the description
of meaning cannot be reduced to a description in naturalistic terms, i.e. a description that is
available for a detached observer.
Even if a detached observer is provided with a complete description of a human in
naturalistic terms, she is in the situation of Kripke’s sceptic, namely to be aware of no more
than a finite sequence of actions that satisfies infinitely many rules in such a way that it is
indeterminate for any new situation what is the correct way to go on. For such an observer
there is no such thing as rule-following and thus no such thing as people having beliefs with a
determinate meaning. As Wright puts it, such an observer is merely rational – or, one might
say, too rational.
Hence, you have to participate in the social practices of rule-following of a community in
order to be in a position to give an account of the rule that is followed in such a way that for
all cases within the scope of these practices it is determined what is correct.
The other side of
this irreducibility, however, is that meaning exists only relative to those who participate in a
social practice.
4. The argument for materialism
It is well known that the rule-following considerations as put forward by Kripke are an
argument against reductionism in epistemology. But note the way in which I have
reconstructed the argument in the preceding section: The intentional vocabulary is irreducible
to a physical vocabulary because meaning is determined only relative to those who engage in
certain social practices. Apart from that qualification, belief states fall victim to the infinity
problem and the normativity problem. I will now use this point to show that this account of
rule-following also contains an argument for materialism in the metaphysics of mind.
It is common to define materialism as the theses that (1) mental states, including belief
states, supervene on physical states and that (2) mental states are realized as physical states.
Conceiving the meaning of our beliefs as some sort of a mental entity over and above the
physical runs into both the infinity and the normativity problems which Kripke poses. The
solution to both these problems which I have sketched consists in focussing on the social
practices of assessing each other’s actions as correct or [195] incorrect. All there is to the
meaning of our beliefs is what is determined in these practices. Whatever indeterminacy there
may be to the meaning of the beliefs of a person, to the extent that social practices achieve a
determination of meaning on the basis of a biological equipment and a shared physical
environment, nothing hinders us to say that these social practices supervene on the physical –
at least if the physical is taken globally so that it includes not only the dispositions, but also
the environment of a person. For the ontological thesis of supervenience does not imply the
epistemological possibility of reduction.
Furthermore, these practices have a physical realization. Introducing anything in them
which is not realized as physical states of the persons in their environment is of no help for
the theory of meaning. Consequently, we can say that the belief states of a person, insofar as
they are determined by and exist relative to the described social practices, are realized as
physical states of the person in question in relation to her environment, although intentional
properties are not identical with physical properties. Hence, due to the physical realization,
ontologically speaking, there is nothing over and above the physical. But for us, relative to
our social practices, some physical states can be such that they realize belief states.
If the argument from rule-following speaks against reductionism as well as against any sort
of a dualist ontology as regards belief states, it may seem that one can pursue these
considerations in such a way that one ends up in eliminative materialism. But this is not
correct. The outlined account implies that as long as we continue to talk and thus engage in
the described social practices, we have beliefs, because these practices make it that some of
our states are belief states for us.
The position that having beliefs consists in engaging in the described social practices fits
into the post-Cartesian project not to reify the mind (either as being an entity over and above
the physical or as being nothing but some physical stuff among other physical stuff). An
account of these social practices can be seen as developing the conceptual tools which are
necessary to build up such a conception of the mind in positive terms. This account thereby
links up the anti-reductionist continental tradition in epistemology, as it is pursued since
Kant’s
Critique of Pure Reason
at the latest, with the tradition in analytic philosophy that is
orientated towards science and inspired by materialism.
To sum up: On the one hand, the claim that the rule-following problem calls for an account
of meaning in terms of social practices implies a limit to naturalism: the theory of meaning
cannot be reduced to the vocabulary of the natural sciences; it has to employ irreducible
normative, intentional vocabulary. On the other hand, this limit to naturalism is a
consequence of the following: the account of meaning in terms of social practices implies that
states of persons are belief states only relative to the practices of a community. As far as
ontology is concerned, this account is thereby an argument for [196] materialism: belief states
are realized as physical states. Thus, by claiming that the problem of rule-following can be
solved only relative to the practices of a social community, the Kripkean considerations give
rise to an argument both contra reductionism in epistemology and in favour of materialism in
ontology. Hence these considerations make a case for a non-reductive materialism in the
metaphysics of mind.
References
Haugeland, J. (1998),
Having Thought
.
Cambridge (Massachusetts): Harvard University Press.
Kripke, S. A. (1982),
Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language
.
Oxford: Blackwell.
Pettit, P. (1993),
The Common Mind
.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wright, Crispin (1993):
Realism, Meaning and Truth
.
Oxford: Blackwell. Second edition. First edition 1987.
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Rule-Following and the Ontology of the Mind
Michael Esfeld
(published in Uwe Meixner and Peter Simons (eds.):
Metaphysics in the Post-Metaphysical Age. Papers of the 22nd International Wittgenstein
Symposium.
Contributions of the Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society, Vol.VII (1),
Kirchberg: Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society 1999, pp. 191–196)
Abstract
Rule-following has become a focus of philosophical interest since Kripke’s interpretation of
Wittgenstein’s
Philosophical Investigations
. The case which Kripke makes is an argument
against reducing the description of the beliefs of a person to a description in naturalistic terms.
However, it has also implications for the metaphysics of mind. I claim that, contrary to what one
might except, Kripke’s case contains an argument in favour of materialism in ontology.
1. The problem of rule-following
Meaning is an essential feature of the beliefs of a person. When it comes to accounting for
meaning, we face the problem of rule-following. Saul Kripke (1982) presents this problem in
a forceful way in his interpretation of Wittgenstein’s
Philosophical Investigations
. The case
which he makes contains an argument against reducing the description of the beliefs of a
person to a description in naturalistic terms. However, little attention is paid to the fact that
Kripke’s case is also relevant to the metaphysics of mind. Contrary to what one might except,
I shall show that an argument against reduction in epistemology along Kripke’s lines is at the
same time an argument for materialism in ontology.
Let us start by briefly recalling the problem of rule-following and its social solution. Kripke
shows that any finite sequence of examples of whatever sort satisfies infinitely many rules.
On this basis, he develops a sceptical challenge to the assumption that our beliefs have a
determinate meaning. Two aspects of this challenge can be distinguished:
• the
infinity problem
: How can a finite sequence of examples instantiate only one rule
rather than infinitely many rules? The sceptical challenge is:
There are infinitely many
possible ways of continuing any finite sequence of examples in any new situation. Each of
these ways is in accordance with the rule which the sequence instantiates under some
interpretation of what the rule is
.
• the
normativity problem
: What determines which is the correct manner to continue a finite
sequence of examples in such a way that a person can follow a rule (so that for her there is
a distinction between following the rule correctly and following it incorrectly)? The
sceptical challenge is:
For any finite sequence of examples and for any new situation of
continuing the sequence in question, it is not determined what
[192]
is the correct way to
go on
.
Kripke argues that neither ideas in the mind, nor dispositions to behaviour, nor meanings as
abstract objects (Fregean senses) are able to solve the problem of rule-following. Insofar as he
proposes a solution at all, he proposes a social solution. Social practices are necessary in order
to (a) determine a meaning for the beliefs of a person given the infinitely many logically
possible meanings of any finite sequence and (b) enable a person to make a distinction
between correct and incorrect rule-following. Kripke regards the social solution as a sceptical
solution which yields only assertibility conditions, but not truth conditions for statements
about meaning. The social solution which I will sketch in the next section is intended to be
non-committal on this point and thereby deviates from Kripke’s text: it can be read as a
sceptical solution; but it can also be seen as providing truth-conditions for rule-following and
thus facts of meaning.
2. A social account of meaning
How can social practices account for meaning? Consider the following six steps. These steps
are modelled on the proposals of Philip Pettit (1993), pp. 76–108, and John Haugeland (“The
Intentionality All-Stars” in Haugeland (1998), pp. 147–150):
1)
Although any finite sequence of examples can be continued in infinitely many different
ways, for any finite thinking being there usually is one specific way in which this being is
disposed to continue such a sequence.
To give an intuitive idea of what this step and the
following ones can be like, imagine a sequence of trees in a physical environment and
reactions of persons towards this sequence, in particular reactions of classifying or
refusing to classify items with this sequence.
2)
Persons who have the same biological equipment and who share a physical environment
have by and large similar dispositions
.
3)
The dispositions of persons who have the same biological equipment and who share a
physical environment include a disposition to cooperation
. This is a disposition to adapt
one’s dispositions and one’s behaviour to the dispositions and the behaviour of one’s
fellows.
4)
The disposition to cooperation in humans is such that, owing to this disposition, humans
react to each other’s actions by applying sanctions in the sense of reinforcements or
punishments
. They reinforce actions in others which agree with their own actions, and
they punish actions in others which disagree with their own actions. By agreement or
disagreement, I mean accord or failure of accord in the way in which a given sequence of
examples is continued. Sanctions are exclusively physical reinforcements and
punishments at this stage.
5)
Sanctions are a means to come to conditions under which persons agree in their ways
[193]
of continuing a given sequence of examples
. In the case of agreement, sanctions
reinforce the dispositions of the persons involved in the way in which they react to their
environment. In the case of disagreement, sanctions in the form of punishments trigger a
process of finding out in practice the obstacles in the persons involved or in the
environment which prevent agreement. Sanctions thus induce a process of mutual
adjustment that leads to convergence.
6)
Once conditions under which persons agree are filtered out, the rule is that in which the
convergence of persons in their ways of continuing a given sequence of examples consists.
Determining on the basis of each one’s dispositions conditions in which the persons in
question agree fixes what is correct to do for an indefinite number of situations. However,
going beyond the ordinary situations with which the people in a given community deal, this
account has to concede that there is for any finite sequence of actions a margin conceivable
beyond which it is indeterminate what is the correct way to go on. In such an extraordinary
situation, a further determination of the norm has to be carried out by means of the sketched
process. Consequently, this account solves the
normativity problem
by offering a
reconstruction of how persons can come to follow rules. But it does not solve the
infinity
problem
, i.e. the problem whether and how a finite sequence can determine infinitely many
cases. It addresses this problem only insofar as this problem threatens our beliefs to be
stripped of meaning: it shows how a finite sequence of examples can determine meaning for a
community of persons within the scope of their ordinary practices.
3. The anti-reductionist implication
Consider the reply of Crispin Wright to Kripke’s sceptical challenge in his book
Realism,
Meaning and Truth
. He says:
Understanding cannot be always achieved via uniquely rational extrapolation from sample uses
and explanations; and is not usually. Rather the path to understanding exploits certain
natural
propensities which we have, propensities to react and judge in particular ways. The concepts
which we ‘exhibit’ by what we count as correct, or incorrect, use of a term need not be salient to
a witness who is, if I may so put it, merely rational … (Wright (1993), p. 28)
Although I do not intend to ascribe the sketched social account to Wright, the point which he
makes emphasizes a crucial point of that account: a natural, biological equipment is a
necessary condition for meaning becoming determined in social [194] interactions. The
proposed social account says nothing against explaining the relevant dispositions in
naturalistic terms. But however much the behaviour of a human may be determined by what
can be described in these terms, the point at issue is how a human can follow rules in
distinction to exhibiting mere regularities of behaviour; that is, the point is how she, from her
perspective, can make a distinction between correct and incorrect rule-following in continuing
a given sequence of examples. The account under consideration implies that to describe this
distinction, normative, intentional vocabulary is indispensable. Consequently, the description
of meaning cannot be reduced to a description in naturalistic terms, i.e. a description that is
available for a detached observer.
Even if a detached observer is provided with a complete description of a human in
naturalistic terms, she is in the situation of Kripke’s sceptic, namely to be aware of no more
than a finite sequence of actions that satisfies infinitely many rules in such a way that it is
indeterminate for any new situation what is the correct way to go on. For such an observer
there is no such thing as rule-following and thus no such thing as people having beliefs with a
determinate meaning. As Wright puts it, such an observer is merely rational – or, one might
say, too rational.
Hence, you have to participate in the social practices of rule-following of a community in
order to be in a position to give an account of the rule that is followed in such a way that for
all cases within the scope of these practices it is determined what is correct.
The other side of
this irreducibility, however, is that meaning exists only relative to those who participate in a
social practice.
4. The argument for materialism
It is well known that the rule-following considerations as put forward by Kripke are an
argument against reductionism in epistemology. But note the way in which I have
reconstructed the argument in the preceding section: The intentional vocabulary is irreducible
to a physical vocabulary because meaning is determined only relative to those who engage in
certain social practices. Apart from that qualification, belief states fall victim to the infinity
problem and the normativity problem. I will now use this point to show that this account of
rule-following also contains an argument for materialism in the metaphysics of mind.
It is common to define materialism as the theses that (1) mental states, including belief
states, supervene on physical states and that (2) mental states are realized as physical states.
Conceiving the meaning of our beliefs as some sort of a mental entity over and above the
physical runs into both the infinity and the normativity problems which Kripke poses. The
solution to both these problems which I have sketched consists in focussing on the social
practices of assessing each other’s actions as correct or [195] incorrect. All there is to the
meaning of our beliefs is what is determined in these practices. Whatever indeterminacy there
may be to the meaning of the beliefs of a person, to the extent that social practices achieve a
determination of meaning on the basis of a biological equipment and a shared physical
environment, nothing hinders us to say that these social practices supervene on the physical –
at least if the physical is taken globally so that it includes not only the dispositions, but also
the environment of a person. For the ontological thesis of supervenience does not imply the
epistemological possibility of reduction.
Furthermore, these practices have a physical realization. Introducing anything in them
which is not realized as physical states of the persons in their environment is of no help for
the theory of meaning. Consequently, we can say that the belief states of a person, insofar as
they are determined by and exist relative to the described social practices, are realized as
physical states of the person in question in relation to her environment, although intentional
properties are not identical with physical properties. Hence, due to the physical realization,
ontologically speaking, there is nothing over and above the physical. But for us, relative to
our social practices, some physical states can be such that they realize belief states.
If the argument from rule-following speaks against reductionism as well as against any sort
of a dualist ontology as regards belief states, it may seem that one can pursue these
considerations in such a way that one ends up in eliminative materialism. But this is not
correct. The outlined account implies that as long as we continue to talk and thus engage in
the described social practices, we have beliefs, because these practices make it that some of
our states are belief states for us.
The position that having beliefs consists in engaging in the described social practices fits
into the post-Cartesian project not to reify the mind (either as being an entity over and above
the physical or as being nothing but some physical stuff among other physical stuff). An
account of these social practices can be seen as developing the conceptual tools which are
necessary to build up such a conception of the mind in positive terms. This account thereby
links up the anti-reductionist continental tradition in epistemology, as it is pursued since
Kant’s
Critique of Pure Reason
at the latest, with the tradition in analytic philosophy that is
orientated towards science and inspired by materialism.
To sum up: On the one hand, the claim that the rule-following problem calls for an account
of meaning in terms of social practices implies a limit to naturalism: the theory of meaning
cannot be reduced to the vocabulary of the natural sciences; it has to employ irreducible
normative, intentional vocabulary. On the other hand, this limit to naturalism is a
consequence of the following: the account of meaning in terms of social practices implies that
states of persons are belief states only relative to the practices of a community. As far as
ontology is concerned, this account is thereby an argument for [196] materialism: belief states
are realized as physical states. Thus, by claiming that the problem of rule-following can be
solved only relative to the practices of a social community, the Kripkean considerations give
rise to an argument both contra reductionism in epistemology and in favour of materialism in
ontology. Hence these considerations make a case for a non-reductive materialism in the
metaphysics of mind.
References
Haugeland, J. (1998),
Having Thought
.
Cambridge (Massachusetts): Harvard University Press.
Kripke, S. A. (1982),
Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language
.
Oxford: Blackwell.
Pettit, P. (1993),
The Common Mind
.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wright, Crispin (1993):
Realism, Meaning and Truth
.
Oxford: Blackwell. Second edition. First edition 1987.
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